Never was a person so charming in belligerence than Ali. He had a tendency to wax braggadocious because he knew, as instinctively as any predator, the power that media coverage would have on his persona. He knew, too, that any brag that was founded in truth was no longer a brag. We can joust even now about whether Ali was the greatest athlete of the 20th century, and it could come down to him and Michael Jordan. Say this for the two men: they both enjoyed preternatural gifts as advertisers.
So when Ali said he'd beat Sonny Liston, and then did, twice, and said he'd beat Floyd Patterson, and did, he must have seemed less like a self-aggrandizing upstart and more like he had achieved the only greatness truly within the grasp of each of us: to be a man of his word. It just happened that Ali’s words were—even as jokes, even as taunts, even as doggerel—always fighting words.
Who then would have not believed what he said during his scrap with Uncle Sam over Ali’s refusal to answer his draft order in 1966. That intransigence could’ve landed him in prison for five years. Ali made it clear that outcome would be better than joining what he saw as a corrupt war in Vietnam:
"My conscience won't let me go shoot my brother, or some darker people, or some poor hungry people in the mud, for big powerful America. And shoot them for what? They never called me nigger. They never lynched me. They didn't put no dogs on me. They didn't rob me of my nationality, rape and kill my mother and father. Shoot them for what? How could I go shoot them? They’re little poor little black people and little babies and children, women. How can I shoot them poor people? Just take me to jail."
At the time, Ali’s religion was credited, or perhaps blamed, for this hard stance. But it’s clearly a moral stance within a secular framework. He’s explicitly choosing sides in a class conflict, choosing as his brothers the poor and hungry rather than rich America. And implicitly he’s impugning the civil rights attitudes of people who would send him to fight. Like so many of Ali’s rants this one gathers its own momentum, until he’s singing a tune more than playing individual notes. Yet you can’t miss that return to the rhetorical question: How could I shoot them?
Ali’s fighting words of radical peace were, as always, no empty boast. For refusing the draft order, the heavyweight champion was suspended, stripped of his belt, and went three and a half years without a professional bout, living on the largesse of colleges that invited him to speak. He was, everyone knew, a man who could run his mouth. But until he was exiled from boxing, who could’ve guessed he would be so reliable a pacifist?
Principle is far easier to profess when it doesn’t require sacrifice. Ali was the rare public figure who said what he was willing to give up, saw it taken from him, and remained obstinate even as years of his athletic prime were put on ice. He was living proof of the war’s pointless waste.
Ali’s insight wasn’t merely that the war was unjust; it wasn’t that he would sit it out. It was that he had weighed the relative costs of shooting poor people against going to jail. And when you frame it that way, the top-volume braggart takes on an unexpected moral gravity. If someone gave me the option of killing a child or serving three years behind bars, I’d do the time, and without knowing the first thing about you, I expect you would as well. Ali, the nation’s most visible Muslim, was announcing his willingness to forfeit his youth to save his soul.
—Sam Eifling